From Heroes to Traitorspolitical Populism in the Catalan Independence Movement’s Use of Social Networking Sites

  1. Manfredi-Sánchez, Juan-Luis
  2. Del-Fresno-García, Miguel
Journal:
Revista Mediterránea de Comunicación: Mediterranean Journal of Communication

ISSN: 1989-872X

Year of publication: 2020

Volume: 11

Issue: 2

Pages: 41-54

Type: Article

DOI: 10.14198/MEDCOM2020.11.2.6 DIALNET GOOGLE SCHOLAR lock_openDialnet editor

More publications in: Revista Mediterránea de Comunicación: Mediterranean Journal of Communication

Sustainable development goals

Abstract

This study analyses how social networking sites can prompt or delay a political decision, regardless of the veracity of the messages shared. Specifically, focus is directed on the 24 hours from 26 to 27 of October 2017, when an unconfirmed piece of news substantially affected the framing of the political leadership of Carles Puigdemont, the then president of the Generalitat de Cataluña (regional government of Catalonia). Those supporting independence altered their perception of Puigdemont, breaking with the narrative of the hero to accuse him of betrayal. For its part, the discourse of the constitutionalists was similarly polarised. Finally, it should be noted that social networking sites relied on the messages published in the conventional media which, by way of the daily news and breaking news, shaped the public conversation.

Bibliographic References

  • [1] Arias Maldonado, M. (2016). La digitalización de la conversación pública: redes sociales, afectividad política y democracia. Revista de Estudios Políticos, 173, 27-54. http://doi.org/c65k
  • [2] Bodker, H. & Anderson, C. (2019). Populist time: Mediating Inmediacy and Delay in Liberal Democracy. International Journal of Communication, 13, 5948-5966. http://bit.ly/2TdOgwL
  • [3] Ballesteros, C. (2015). El desafío inadvertido. la consulta sobre la independencia de Cataluña desde el marco informativo del conflicto. Anàlisi, 20, 48-64. http://doi.org/dgx4
  • [4] Becker, A. B. (2013). Star power? Advocacy, Receptivity, and Viewpoints on celebrity Involvement in Issue Politics. Atlantic Journal of Communication, 21(1), 1-16. http://doi.org/dnxf
  • [5] Cacciatore, M. A.; Scheufele, D. A. & Iyengar, S. (2016). The End of Framing as we Know it ... and the Future of Media Effects. Mass Communication and Society, 19(1), 7-23. http://doi.org/gfxk5t
  • [6] Casero, A. (2018). Research on political information and social media: Key points and challenges for the future. El Profesional de la Información, 27(5), 964-974. http://doi.org/dnxg
  • [7] Centro de Estudios de Opinión (2018). CEO Barómetro de Opinión Pública. https://bit.ly/371GzOO
  • [8] Chadwick, A. (2013). The Hybrid Media System. Politics and Power. New York: Oxford University Press. http://doi.org/dnxh
  • [9] Chong, D. & Druckman, J. N. (2007). Framing Theory. Annual Review of Political Science, 10, 103-126. http://doi.org/dc5v5j
  • [10] De Blasio, E. & Sorice, M. (2018). Populism between direct democracy and the technological myth. Palgrave Commun, 4(15). http://doi.org/ggb574
  • [11] Del Fresno-García, M.; Daly, A. J. & Segado Sánchez-Cabezudo, S. (2016). Identificando a los nuevos influyentes en tiempos de internet: medios sociales y análisis de redes sociales. Revista española de investigaciones sociológicas, 153, 23-42. http://doi.org/dnxj
  • [12] Del Rey Morató, J. (2007). Comunicación política, internet y campañas electorales. De la teledemocracia a la ciberdemocracia. Barcelona: Editorial Tecnos.
  • [13] De la Torre, C. (2017). Trump’s populism: lessons from Latin America. Postcolonial Studies, 20(2), 187- 198. http://doi.org/dnxk
  • [14] De la Torre, C. (2010). Populist Seduction in Latin America. Athens: Ohio University Press.
  • [15] Encyclopaedia Britannica (2016). Hero. https://bit.ly/30sbwc8
  • [16] Enli, G. (2017). New media and politics. Annals of the International Communication Association, 41(3- 4), 220-227. http://doi.org/dnxm
  • [17] Entman, R. M. (1993). Framing: toward clarification of a fractured paradigm. Journal of Communication, 43(4), 51-58. http://doi.org/b4x5r3
  • [18] Gallardo-Paúls, B. (2016). Programas de tertulia política en Twitter: un modelo neurocomunicativo de análisis del discurso. Círculo de Lingüística Aplicada a la Comunicación, 66, 86-147. http://doi.org/dnxn
  • [19] Generalitat de Cataluña (2017). Eleccions al Parlament de Catalunya 2017. http://bit.ly/3co60Nj
  • [20] Gerbaudo, P. (2012). Tweets and the Streets: Social Media and Contemporary Activism. Chicago: Pluto Press. http://doi.org/dnxp
  • [21] Gil de Zúñiga, H. & Valenzuela, S. (2011). The mediating path to a stronger citizenship: Online and offline networks, weak ties and civic engagement. Communication Research, 38(3), 397-421. http://doi.org/bf3wnv
  • [22] Gil de Zúñiga, H.; Jung. N. & Valenzuela, S. (2012). Social Media Use for News and Individuals' Social Capital, Civic Engagement and Political Participation. Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication, 17(3), 319–336. http://doi.org/gc7mvj
  • [23] González-Bailón, S. (2013). Social science in the era of big data. Policy & Internet, 5(2), 147–160. http://doi.org/ggb6dj
  • [24] Grandjean, M. (2016). A social network analysis of Twitter: Mapping the digital humanities community. Cogent Arts & Humanities, 3(1). http://doi.org/gfc8ng
  • [25] Hallin, D. C. (2019). Mediatisation, neoliberalism and populisms: the case of Trump. Journal of the Academy of Social Sciences, 14(1), 14-25. http://doi.org/ggb6g4
  • [26] Hermida, A. (2015). Power Plays in Social Media. Social Media + Society, 1(1). http://doi.org/dnxs
  • [27] Howard, P. N.; Duffy, A.; Freelon, D.; Hussain, M. M.; Mari, W. & Maziad, M. (2011). Opening Closed Regimes: What Was the Role of Social Media During the Arab Spring? Social Science Research Network. http://doi.org/gftw5w
  • [28] Juliana, E. (18/12/2017). ‘Sguardi sulla Catalogna’. La Vanguardia. https://bit.ly/2Ny9gee
  • [29] Juliana, E. (31/01/2018a). La rueda de los traidores. La Vanguardia. https://bit.ly/387HAVm
  • [30] Juliana, E. (24/01/2018b). El poder, donde siempre estuvo. El Mundo. https://bit.ly/2Tw5Lca
  • [31] Jungherr, A. & Theocharis, Y. (2017). The empiricist’s challenge: Asking meaningful questions in political science in the age of big data. Journal of Information, Technology and Politics, 14(2), 97-109. http://doi.org/gf9nxd
  • [32] Kahneman, D. (2003). A perspective on judgement and choice: Mapping bounded rationality. American Psychologist, 58(9), 697-720. http://doi.org/dfdc5n
  • [33] Karpf, D. (2012). Social Science Research methods in Internet Time. Information, Communication & Society, 15(5), 639-661. http://doi.org/gdxwg6
  • [34] Karpf, D.; Kreiss, D.; Nielsen, R. K. & Powers, M. (2015). The Role of Qualitative Methods in Political Communication Research: Past, Present, and Future. International Journal of Communication, 9, 1888- 1906. http://bit.ly/2wVzMsz
  • [35] Laclau, E. (2005). La razón populista. México DF: Fondo de Cultura Económica.
  • [36] López-García, G. & Pavía, J. M. (2018). Political communication in election processes: an overview. Journal of the Academy of Social Sciences, 14(1), 1-13. http://doi.org/dnxv
  • [37] Matthes, J. & Kohring, M. (2008). The content analysis of media frames: Toward improving reliability and validity. Journal of Communication, 58(2), 258-279. http://doi.org/dxwrkq
  • [38] Moffit, B. & Tormey, S. (2014). Rethinking Populism: Politics Mediatisation and Political Style. Political Studies, 62(2), 381-397. http://doi.org/f2z4qg
  • [39] Mouffe, C. (2000). The Democratic Paradox. London: Verso.
  • [40] Müller, J. W. (2016) Was ist Populismus?: Ein Essay. Berlin: Suhrkamp.
  • [41] Ordeix, E. & Ginesta, X. (2014). Political Engagement Principles as the Basis for New Regional SelfDetermination Processes in Europe: The Case of Catalonia. American Behavioral Scientist, 58(7), 928-940. http://doi.org/f55hc4
  • [42] Rambukkana, N. (2013). Hashtag Publics: The Power and Politics of Networked Discourse Communities.
  • [43] Rodon, T.; Martori, F. & Cuadros, J. (2018). Twitter activism in the face of nationalist mobilization: the case of the 2016 Catalan Diada. IDP. Revista de Internet, Derecho y Política, 26, 15-29. http://doi.org/dnxw
  • [44] Shulman, H. & Sweitzer, M. D. (2017). Varying Metacognition Through Public Opinion Questions: How Language Can Affect Political Engagement. Journal of Language and Social Psychology, 37(2), 224-237. http://doi.org/dnxx
  • [45] Stromer-Galley, J. (2014). Presidential Campaigning in the Internet Age. New York: Oxford University Press.
  • [46] The Oxford Dictionary (2017). Hero. https://bit.ly/373flXW
  • [47] Thorson, K.; Edgerly, S.; Kligler-Vilenchik, N. & Luping Wang, Y. X. (2016). Seeking Visibility in a Big Tent: Digital Communication and the People’s Climate March. International Journal of Communication, 10, 4784-4806. http://bit.ly/2woBgeA
  • [48] Tucker, J. A.; Guess, A.; Barbera, P.; Vaccari, C.; Siegel, A.; Sanovich, S.; Stukal, D. & Nyhan, B. (2018). Social Media, Political Polarization, and Political Disinformation: A Review of the Scientific Literature. Social Science Research Network. http://doi.org/gf3gqk
  • [49] Valenzuela, S. (2013). Unpacking the Use of Social Media for Protest Behavior: The Roles of Information, Opinion Expression, and Activism. American Behavioral Scientist, 57(7), 920-942. http://doi.org/f425zn
  • [50] Verón, E. (1985). Semiosis de lo ideológico y el poder. Contratexto: revista de la Facultad de Comunicación de la Universidad de Lima, 1, 11-30. http://bit.ly/39iDomH
  • [51] Vila, S. (2018). De héroes y traidores: El dilema de Cataluña o los diez errores del procés. Barcelona: Atalaya.
  • [52] Waisbord, S. & Amado, A. (2017). Populist communication by digital means: presidential Twitter in Latin America. Information, Communication & Society, 20(9), 1330-1346. http://doi.org/gc7mzd